Alexander Dugin is one of the most versatile and controversial thinkers of the modern world. A philosopher, a political scientist, professor and esotericist, Dugin offers a biography as many-sided as his political philosophy. Mainstream media proclaims him as the voice in Putin’s ear. He is a proponent of a political discourse beyond the ideological barriers of the political rightwing and leftwing. As the father of the Neo-Eurasian Doctrine a geopolitical strategy supposed to be carried on by Russia and the Fourth Political Theory an ideology beyond left and right designed to supersede the world encompassing ruling ideology of liberalism. What are Dugin’s plans for the Europe and Asia, how does he imagine the Fourth Political Theory and how is he linked with both the new rightwing, the old rightwing and certain leftwing groups?
Born on the 7. January 1962 Dugin’s was raised as the son of an member of the soviet military-intelligence while his mother was a doctor. He attended the Moscow Institute of Aviation but was expelled on the basis of thinking contrary to the regime. As he was and still is a student of the teachings of radical traditionalists like Julius Evola and René Guénon, the Stalin critic Solschenizyn and various rightwing proponents of Eurasianism. He became part of a group of Russian thinkers who closely studied Western works of traditionalism, hermetics and poetry. After the fall of the Soviet Union he made himself a name as a translator of the works of those various Western thinkers mentioned before.
While he himself experienced political persecution as an anticommunist in the Soviet Union he did not rejected the authoritarian parts of the ideology which is more or less demonstrated by him helping rewriting the political program of the Communist Party. Even though fascism and communism were always quite opposing forces he started praising various fascist elements and even went so far as to simultaneously glorifying both Soviet Russia and the Russian Empire for their powerful and authoritarian elements. Which quit reminds one of the Motto of the Mladorossi “Tsar and the Soviets” which might have inspired Dugin in some way.
Part of his admiration for the Soviets may come from his aversion for the Atlantic powers, the powers of Liberalism as perceived by him. While he may once was a fierce Anti-American he has become more sympathetic towards America through the political work of Donald Trump and now calls for a fight against the Globalists. He was one of the leading theorists of the National Bolshevik Party (the name is self-explanatory) until he left the party for the widely ignorance of his teachings. He carries the combination of fascist and communist aspects all the way through his political work until it ended up in his Fourth Political Theory.
The Fourth Political Theory is Dugin’s take on creating an ideology to save the various cultures and nations of our world from atomizing through the forces of liberalism therefore preserving ethnoplurality. Dugin proposes the idea that all modern political systems are products of three ideologies the oldest being Liberalism, followed by Marxism and Fascism. Through the triumph of Liberalism the worlds finds itself on the brink of a post-political reality. As the Monopoly of liberal thought seems nearly unbreakable, he conceived the FPT as answer to the threatening collapse, created out of the shards of the foregone ideologies which seem to be useful for his cause. The FPT outlines parameters so the students of the FPT can use tools of modernity to reawaken tradition and cultural diversity while in itself working against the forces of globalism.
Mother Russia is the key to Alexander Dugin’s idea of Eurasia. An Idea he not only defines as geographical concept but also as a special worldview. He sees Eurasia as the only option for the Eurasian peoples to follow their own path, to reject the onslaught of the Liberalism of the West, to create an self-sufficient bloc of peoples united under on union or confederation to serve as the opposite pole of the West thereby creating a multipolar world. His re-visioning of Eurasianism proves again a ideological resemblance to the Mladorossi. This union needs to be achieved by a return to ones own national identity, culture, faith, ethics, philosophy and an own logos. The reliance of Russia on her own strength and the allying of all who share Dugin’s attitude of rejecting the hegemony of Liberalism. To really achieve this goal Dugin proposes a radical change in the course of Russia as he doubt there wont be enough time for Russia to act before time runs out.
Dugin himself is working tirelessly at his personal political project. He founded the Eurasian Party in 2002 and the International Eurasian Movement (uniting many politicians and intellectuals both within and beyond Russia) and many more smaller programs, he is moderating radio programs and promoting his ideas through literary work. While Dugin’s Eurasian Party is not represented in the Russian Duma and Federal Assembly, many of Dugin’s ideas are still adopted by various Russian party’s from the left to the right as it maybe even the case for President Putin. How far Putin goes in actively adopting Dugin’s ideas is not known but might be retraced through Putin’s political development since the rising influence of Dugin. Dugin’s Book Putin vs Putin might be a helpful assistance to that.
Outside of Russia, Dugin employs his double-sided recruitment with great finesse. While one might think Dugin would primarily align himself with authoritarian rightwing groups he does has connections to various leftist as seen in Greece where he met with members of the leftist Syriza party instead of the rightwing Golden Dawn. In the rightwing spectrum of politics, Dugin’s influence to numerous parties of the new right especially in their fringe elements, such as Jobbik or Front National, the Identitarian Movement. It needs to be said that the Eurasian Union Youth of Jordan a radical terrorist organisation is not linked with Dugin’s International Eurasian Movement in any shape or form. Dugin himself proclaimed that there are no links between them. The full dimensions of Dugin’s network might only be known to Dugin himself.
Back in Russia Dugin and his organisations operate with numerous anti-liberal leftwing and rightwing groups especially from the political fringe. Including a breakaway group of the former National Bolshevik Party, Nationalists and various more national orientated leftwing groups. Even though Dugin enjoys a wide audience in the political fringe he does have a more widely critical audience in the more centrist (for Russian standards) leaning party United Russia.
Dugin’s ideological stance has changed widely in the last years, his admiration for the intellectual works of both leftwingers and rightwingers, like Lenin, like Nikolay Ustrjalov, Oswald Spengler, Julius Evola, René Guénon, Alain de Benoist and the unpolitical Nietsche helped him to create an unique anti-liberal, traditionalist ideology beyond the borders of left and right, his idea of the multipolar world and his double-sided recruitment policy might be the ideology to come. An opportunity to establish a system to preserve ethnoplurality. On the other hand his ideas might be a or be a sinkhole for the rebirth of the right, a threat which might subjugate all of Europe under a Russian Tyranny and the destruction of nations. The adoption of Dugin’s idea is a question of how and why ones group should adopt them without becoming turncoats for the Russians nor disapproving of his ideas just for the sake of it.